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The term of politician is used in a few values. The concept of politician is utillized for denotation of conception, program of actions for attitude toward one to the problem or aggregate of problems which appear before society(foreign policy, agrarian policy, transport policy, industrial policy). The concept of politician is used for denotation the sphere of activity of main participants of political life, which personalities or groups which have the own interests and world view fight into. The term of politician marks institutsiyniy space, set with the help of Constitution, legal order and traditions, the imperious mode of concord, method of his organization, political society, is certain.
Power is ability to influence on a conduct other
For denotation of scopes of policy, its sources and components a term is used political sphere of society.
For denotation of subject policy a concept is used a political sector is a person or group of persons of, which influences on making a decision in this political system. In wide sense of this word we understand a policy as science and art to live in society, manage him, to manage people. It is known that a policy in a great deal depends on time, concrete historical and kul'turologichnikh terms. Seems, Nitsshe said, that escape from a policy did not release from its negative consequences.

For a very long time, something of contention and debate in the U.S. had been whether or not a lot of climate change has in fact been induced by human activities, while many scientists around the world, Europe especially, have been more convinced that this is the case.
In May 2002, the Bush Administration in the U.S. did admit a link between human activities and climate change. However, at the same time the administration has continued its controversial stance of maintaining that it will not participate in the international treaty to limit global warming, the Kyoto Protocol, due to economic priorities and concerns. (More about the Kyoto Protocol, U.S. and others' actions/inactions is discussed in subsequent pages on this section.)
Throughout the 1990s, especially in the United States, but in other countries as well, those who would try and raise the importance of this issue, and suggest that we are perhaps over-consuming, or unsustainably using our resources etc, were faced with a lot of criticism and ridicule. The previous link is to an article by George Monbiot, writing in 1999. In 2004, he notes a similar issue, whereby media attempts at balance has led to “false balancing” whereby disproportionate time is given to more fringe scientists or those with less credibility or with additional agendas, without noting so, and thus gives the impression that there is more debate in the scientific community about whether or not climate change is an issue to be concerned about or not:
Picture a situation in which most of the media, despite the overwhelming weight of medical opinion, refused to accept that there was a connection between smoking and lung cancer. Imagine that every time new evidence emerged, they asked someone with no medical qualifications to write a piece dismissing the evidence and claiming that there was no consensus on the issue.
Imagine that the BBC, in the interests of “debate”, wheeled out one of the tiny number of scientists who says that smoking and cancer aren't linked, or that giving up isn't worth the trouble, every time the issue of cancer was raised.
Imagine that, as a result, next to nothing was done about the problem, to the delight of the tobacco industry and the detriment of millions of smokers. We would surely describe the newspapers and the BBC as grossly irresponsible.
Now stop imagining it, and take a look at what's happening. The issue is not smoking, but climate change. The scientific consensus is just as robust, the misreporting just as widespread, the consequences even graver.

Kievo-Pecherska Lavra a nine-hundred-year-old monastery. "Lavra" is considered an honourable title, which is given to the monasteries of extra-size and special religious importance. Kievo-Pecherskaya Lavra still preserves the caves in which several monks founded a monastery many centuries ago
Monks used to live in these caves, and that is what the name of the Lavra derives from. ("Pecherskaya" stands for pechery, that is" caves"). For a very long time it was truly spiritual center of Ukraine. The architectural complex of the Monastery the way it looks today is truly grandiose. On a sunny day one is almost dazzled by the reflections from the innumerable golden domes above churches and belfries. Most of the Lavra buildings date from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and are excellent examples of Ukrainian Baroque style in architecture and there is only one church in the Monastery that has been preserved from the twelfth century with very few architectural changes introduced since then.
The church is situated above the main entrance gate of the Lavra and is consequently called Nadvratna - "the one above the gate". It is almost a miracle it has survived the time, as the Monastery itself underwent throughout its history numerous enemy attacks, devastating fires and other misfortunes. On the territory of Lavra there is also a Miniature Museum, a Museum of Historic Jewelry of Ukraine, where one can see treasures which are 2000 years old.

Ukraine has very rich culture and history. It has given the world many brilliant names in literature, history, painting, music and science.
Theatrical art in Ukraine arose from ancient folk plays, dances, songs and ceremonies. The 18th century witnessed the birth of theater companies, which performed in either Russian or Polish. Theaters were built in Kyiv (1806), in Odessa (1809) and in Poltava (1810) where I.Kotlarevsky became a theatre director and where he produced his own performances (“Natalka Poltavka”). These were the first Ukrainian-language plays to be staged.
The first professional Ukrainian theater was founded in 1864 in western Ukraine. In eastern Ukraine, M.Kropyvnytsky established the first professional theater in 1881.
Today Ukraine has 91 professional theaters, including dramatic, opera and operetta, ballet and puppet theaters.
The literature of Ukraine has a 1000-year history. Of great importance for the growth of literature was establishment in Lviv of the first printing press by Ivan Fedorov in 1574.
In the 1700 Ivan Kotliarevsky wrote the famous epic poem “Eneida”.
The appearance of T.Shevchenko’s Kobzar ushered in an epoch of romanticism and national consciousness. T.Shevchenko reflected the hopes and aspiration of the nation in the beast folk poetic tradition.
Realism flourished in the nineteenth century. The end of the nineteenth century produced literary giants such as Ivan Franko and Lesia Ukrainka, who with their fighting spirit spurred Ukrainians on in their struggle for self-realization.
The twentieth century began with Renaissance in literature. Many literature groups and organization formed. Some prominent names from this period: M. Kulish, M. Khvylovyi, M. Zerov. By the 1930’s the great terror began, with its purges, show trials and repressions. Most of the writers were either killed or driven to suicide. It is estimated that over4 250 writers perished during this period. Despite the violent deaths of so many writers, Ukrainian literature gave the world such well-known names as O. Honchar and a writer and a film director O. Dovzhenko.
A group of writers from the 1960’s known as the “Sixtiers” took advantage of a political thaw initiated by Khrushchev after the death of Stalin, and revitalized Ukrainian Literature. Prominent among these are: L. Kostenko, V. Symonenko, V. Stus.
The most wide speared religion in Ukraine is Christianity. Most of the faithful belong to the Orthodox Church. Today, much of the population of western Ukraine belongs to the Greek Catholic Church. Since Ukraine’s independence the number of the church has increased dramatically. There has been a rebirth in religious activity: Sunday schools, religious publication abound. Since 1994, 138 religious buildings have been returned to their rightful owners, 261 new churches have been constructed, and 1,739 more are being built.
The Ukrainian nation is famous for its musicality. The Ukrainian folk songs inspired famous composers in their work. The most famous among the Ukrainian musical companies are State Academical cappella “Dumka” and State Academical Nation Choir of G. Veryovka, State Academical Ensemble of folk dance of P. Virsky.

A long history of suicide bombings and other attacks on Israeli civilian and military targets has earned Hamas a well-deserved reputation as a murderous terrorist organization. The organization shares many of al Qaeda’s attributes. It is vehemently anti-Western, believing the Israeli state to be a creation of the West imposed upon the Arab world. Hamas is, therefore, dedicated to the eradication of Israel and willing to use violence and terror to achieve its goals. Hamas is a well-positioned obstacle to the peace process in Palestine, and by extension, a danger to American interests in the region and beyond. Given the level of support the organization enjoys and its quasi-political status in the occupied territories, it is unlikely that Hamas could ever be completely rolled up. Hamas will, therefore, remain a threat to American interests and an opponent of peace in the Middle East for the foreseeable future.
Hamas is an Arabic acronym for the Islamic Resistance Movement. Though the group’s roots stretch back decades through the Muslim Brotherhood in Palestine, Hamas took shape during the early years of the Intifada. The genesis of Hamas represented not only resistance to the Israeli state, but also rejection of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) primacy in the Palestinian national movement. By the end of the 1980s, the PLO’s role as the vanguard of Palestinian nationalism had been called into question by the organization’s expulsion from Lebanon, and later, its acceptance of a two state solution in Palestine. Hamas expanded into the void left by the PLO’s rejection of violence, participation in the peace process, and recognition of the Israeli state’s right to exist.
The distinct Islamic character of Hamas also set the group apart from the more secular PLO. While Hamas shared the Palestinian national aspirations identified with the PLO, it placed nationalism squarely within an Islamic context. This distinction manifests itself in two important ways. First, it provided Hamas with an organic connection to Palestinian society that was not available to the PLO. Like other Islamic movements, Hamas assumed an array of social functions such as healthcare, education and grass roots political representation. Thus the group mixed militancy with a strong social agenda. Second, it conferred upon the struggle against Israel the qualities of jihad (holy war). Thus Hamas seeks the expulsion of Jews and the Israeli state from Palestine.
Hamas became the most militant participant in the Intifada. Initially, the group kept its activities within carefully controlled parameters, seeking to avoid direct confrontations with Israeli security forces. This was a reflection of the group’s limited membership and support. But the scope of Hamas operations grew as the group competed with other rejectionist movements for influence and prestige. Hamas emerged from the Intifada with a tightly compartmentalized origination that effectively separated its rank and file civilian membership from its covert cells, and a well-developed operational infrastructure.
If Hamas was born of the Intifada, then it came of age with the conclusion of the Oslo agreement and the mutual recognition of the PLO and Israel in 1993. The creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA) in the West Bank and Gaza Strip presented Hamas with a potential crisis of legitimacy. Though Hamas sought to provide a political alternative to the PLO, it also sought to avoid violent confrontation with fellow Palestinians. The PLO’s acceptance of a political track and a two state solution now raised the possibility of conflict between the two organizations. The Israelis expected the PA to police Hamas and other violent rejectionist groups. Moreover, Hamas could not ignore the fact that the PLO had won a measure of independence for the West Bank and Gaza. The majority of Palestinians responded to the prospect of limited self-governance favorably.
Nevertheless, Hamas rejected a political solution that fell short of recouping all of Palestine. Hamas embarked upon a dual strategy that sought at once to strike at Israeli interests and avoid confrontation with the PA. It was a strategy that satisfied both tactical and strategic aims. By targeting Israel, Hamas could inhibit and hopefully retard the peace process. This would, in turn, foster an environment in which Hamas’ brand of Islamic militancy could thrive and gain support. Hamas thus sought to coexist with the PA while making every attempt to expose the Oslo agreement as a betrayal of Palestinian aspirations and bring about its abolition. This remains the modus operandi of the organization.
Over the last decade, Hamas’ tactics have grown more violent. Operatives in the Izz el-Din al Qassam Brigades, clandestine military cells, have demonstrated increasing levels of sophistication. In 1992, Israel deported hundreds of Islamic activists to Lebanon, an act with profound consequences. The Lebanese Shiah terrorist organization Hezbollah had a decade of experience fighting Israeli occupation forces. Hezbollah shared its knowledge about the construction of car bombs and the conduct of suicide attacks. Both became hallmarks of Hamas operations following the return of these activists to the occupied territories.
Today, Hamas can boast supporters numbering in the tens of thousands. The size of its clandestine militant cells is unknown. Its power base remains in the Gaza Strip, though the group has had success in expanding to areas in the West Bank. The Palestinian Authority has tried to control Hamas violence. But the PA found, like the Israelis, that the group’s military wing is organizationally resilient. Hamas gains support at the expense of the Palestinian Authority. Should Yasir Arafat’s Fatah faction prove ineffective at delivering concrete Israeli concessions to the populations of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, support for Hamas will expand further. Nevertheless, the degree to which most Palestinians share Hamas’ vision of an Islamic state remains an open question.
The Hamas campaign of assassination, car bombings, and suicide attack will continue as the group seeks to subvert a political solution in Palestine that includes Israel. Nevertheless, the group has demonstrated surprising flexibility and an ability to supplant ideology with pragmatism. That Hamas might one day choose to focus on its overt political activities in order to share in the governance of a future Palestinian state is not entirely out of the question. In the long run, a successful campaign to end Hamas terror may depend less on the ability of Israeli and PA security services, and more on the ability of the peace process to deliver on the promise of an improved life for the majority of Palestinians.

Machiavelli's Place in Western Thought

What is “modern” or “original” in Machiavelli's thought? What is Machiavelli's “place” in the history of Western ideas? The body of literature debating this question, especially in connection with The Prince and Discourses, has grown to truly staggering proportions. John Pocock (1975), for example, has traced the diffusion of Machiavelli's republican thought throughout the so-called Atlantic world and, specifically, into the ideas that guided the framers of the American constitution. Paul Rahe (1992) argues for a similar set of influences, but with an intellectual substance and significance different than Pocock. For Pocock, Machiavelli's republicanism is of a civic humanist variety whose roots are to be found in classical antiquity; for Rahe, Machiavelli's republicanism is entirely novel and modern. Likewise, cases have been made for Machiavelli's political morality, his conception of the state, his religious views, and many other features of his work as the distinctive basis for the originality of his contribution.

Yet few firm conclusions have emerged within scholarship. One plausible explanation for the inability to resolve these issues of "modernity" and "originality" is that Machiavelli was in a sense trapped between innovation and tradition, between via antiqua and via moderna (to adopt the usage of Janet Coleman 1995), in a way that generated internal conceptual tensions within his thought as a whole and even within individual texts. This historical ambiguity permits scholars to make equally convincing cases for contradictory claims about his fundamental stance without appearing to commit egregious violence to his doctrines. This point differs from the accusation made by certain scholars that Machiavelli was fundamentally "inconsistent” (see Skinner 1978). Rather, salient features of the distinctively Machiavellian approach to politics should be credited to an incongruity between historical circumstance and intellectual possibility. What makes Machiavelli a troubling yet stimulating thinker is that, in his attempt to draw different conclusions from the commonplace expectations of his audience, he still incorporated important features of precisely the conventions he was challenging. In spite of his repeated assertion of his own originality (for instance, Machiavelli 1965, 10, 57-58), his careful attention to preexisting traditions meant that he was never fully able to escape his intellectual confines. Thus, Machiavelli ought not really to be classified as either purely an "ancient" or a "modern," but instead deserves to be located in the interstices between the two.

 

Співпраця з Туреччиною набуває для України особливого значення. Вона - найближчий сусід, історично пов'язана з Україною і належить до п'ятірки країн, з якими відносини останнім часом розвивались найінтенсивніше. Тому її було проголошено стратегічним партнером України.

Туреччина визнала незалежність України 16 грудня 1991 р. Протокол про встановлення дипломатичних відносин було підписано 3 лютого 1992 р. 4 травня 1992 р. було підписано Договір про дружбу та співробітництво між Україною і Турецькою Республікою. Він передбачає розвиток прямих зв’язків між підприємствами, а також тісне співробітництво в галузі охорони навколишнього середовища, науки і техніки, зв’язку, інформатики, туризму та спорту. Зафіксовано, що «сторони погоджуються проводити консультації з метою упорядкованого розвитку їхніх відносин та обміну думками з міжнародних і регіональних питань». Особлива увага надається взаємодії в Чорноморському регіоні на основі «Декларації про Чорноморське економічне співробітництво», яка була підписана в Стамбулі 25 червня 1992 р. одинадцятьма країнами причорноморського регіону і включає взаємні зобов’язання країн-учасниць щодо поступового зняття обмежень на пересування капіталів, товарів, послуг і людей. Угода передбачає розвиток інфраструктури, а також максимальне заохочення ділового партнерства.

Україна й Туреччина, виходячи з прийнятих на себе міжнародних зобов’язань, домовились також про тісне співробітництво в рамках Наради з безпеки і співробітництва в Європі, а також в органах ООН.

Інтереси Туреччини й України багато в чому можуть збігатися. Туреччина - ключова держава для України у розвитку відносин з державами Середземномор'я та Близького Сходу. Зближення України з Туреччиною зумовлено взаємною зацікавленістю у транзиті енергоносіїв, компліментарністю економік, співпрацею у форматі Чорноморського економічного співробітництва тощо. Між Україною і Туреччиною існує багато спільного: обидві країни мають однакову стратегічну мету, зокрема вступ до Євросоюзу та розбудову (на різних рівнях) відносин з НАТО. Україну цікавить розвиток двосторонніх торговельно-економічних відносин, у тому числі продаж.

Туреччина - четвертий найбільший торговий партнер України (після Росії, Німеччини і Туркменії), а Україна - 16-й торговий партнер Туреччини. Рівень товарообміну між двома країнами 2002 р. досяг рекордної позначки - 1 млрд 430 млн доларів США. Щодо інвестицій в Україні, то Туреччина посідає 20 місце серед 111 іноземних держав. Обсяг турецьких інвестицій збільшився і досяг 37 млн доларів. В Україні працює 257 компаній з турецькими інвестиціями, переважно в Одесі, Києві, Криму та Донецькій області, 20 турецьких будівельних компаній у межах 41 проекту на загальну суму 500 млн доларів США. Українські ж інвестиції в Туреччині дуже маленькі - майже 300 тис. доларів.

Актуальні питання євроатлантичної інтеграції обох країн і проблеми двосторонніх відносин були обговорені під час візиту Президента Туреччини А. Сезара до України в червні 2003 р. У присутності президентів обох країн було підписано низку двосторонніх документів, зокрема Міжурядовий протокол про внесення змін і доповнень до Угоди про морське торгове судноплавство та Меморандуму про співпрацю найбільших експертних центрів обох країн.

Україна і Туреччина домовились спільно зміцнювати стабільність і безпеку в районі Чорного моря та Причорномор'я, а також разом боротися з тероризмом. З цією метою вони імплементуватимуть Документ про заходи зміцнення миру і безпеки у військово-морській сфері на Чорному морі, а також використовуватимуть потенціал Чорноморського військово-морського об'єднання (BLACK SEA FOR). У спільній заяві обох президентів зазначається, що Україна і Туреччина домовилися використовувати транзитний потенціал Чорного моря і розвивати транспортну галузь у межах Організації Чорноморського економічного співробітництва (ОЧЕС). При цьому обидві країни мають на меті інтегрувати транспортну інфраструктуру Чорного моря з Транс'європейською транспортною мережею.

Фактором зближення є прагнення Туреччини надати допомогу Україні в облаштуванні кримських татар. Туреччина підтвердила, що профінансує придбання тисячі квартир для кримських татар-репатріантів, які повернулися в Україну.

Україна і Туреччина мають вагомі спільні геополітичні інтереси, зокрема збереження екології Чорного моря, ідентифікація транспортних шляхів, насамперед нафтопродуктів. Водночас із зацікавленістю обох країн в розвитку різноманітних зв'язків вагомим є забезпечення національних інтересів.

Ключовою темою україно-турецької співпраці має стати подальше посилення двостороннього партнерства, пошук шляхів для поновлення його конкретними справами та проектами.

Отже, розвиток відносин з Туреччиною є одним з головних пріоритетів України в південному напрямку. Туреччина є ключовою державою для України, оскільки через неї йдуть найбільш зручні транспортні шляхи у Середземноморський та Близькосхідний регіони. Мотиви для зближення України з Туреччиною виглядають досить обґрунтованими: необхідність забезпечення транспортування енергоносіїв в і через Україну, компліментарність економік, співпраця в межах ЧЕС тощо.

Івана Франка

Вчора Ліверпуль виграв у Арсенала 4:2!!!!!!!!!!!!!